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A Sellafield Ltd supply chain company is growing its business in West Cumbria after winning a new contract.
Iron Mountain, the storage and information management services company, has unveiled a new office and increased its workforce as part of the expansion.
The firm’s new base at Hensingham Business Park, Whitehaven, was officially opened by Copeland Mayor Mike Starkie.
It will see Iron Mountain’s local workforce increase from 36 to 61 employees.
The expansion is another example of Sellafield Ltd’s power to leverage investment into its local community via its supply chain.
The move will also see services previously delivered at Sellafield transferring off-site, freeing up valuable space for decommissioning work.
Gordon Jack, Sellafield Ltd’s chief information officer, said:
Iron Mountain has been providing records management services to Sellafield Ltd for many years. These are critical services in support of decommissioning work and conformance with site license arrangements.
The move of these services to Hensingham Business Park was driven primarily by our site accommodation strategy. Just as importantly, it will deliver benefits to our local community through apprenticeship and employment opportunities.
Iron Mountain’s new facility will carry out scanning and archiving of engineering documents. The scale and complexity of the project allowed scope for the company to expand its West Cumbria operation.
Phil Shepley, Iron Mountain’s vice president and general manager for northern Europe, said:
“Our work at Sellafield dates back 15 years. The signing of the new contract meant that we needed to expand our offices.
“The new facilities are not only driving local regeneration, they’re also creating local jobs, including three apprenticeships.
“Sellafield Ltd’s strategy to move these services off-site has proven to be a great decision as services have been maintained despite the challenges of COVID-19.”
The company’s work also includes the storage and archiving of the contents of around 100,000 boxes of records.
These form part of a vital historic registry that continues to be accessed to underpin the Sellafield Ltd decommissioning programme.
Thank you Madame President,
The United Kingdom welcomes the report from the UN Special Rapporteur on the Right to Privacy, following his visit to the UK in 2018, and his positive assessment of the UK’s approach to understanding issues around privacy and security, and recognition of the UK’s status as a world-leader in this field.
During his visit to the United Kingdom, the Special Rapporteur had a number of positive meetings with officials from Her Majesty’s Government, the Devolved Administrations in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales, with the Police, the UK regulatory bodies and other stakeholders that are relevant to his mandate.
In addition to hosting his official country visit, the United Kingdom was pleased to further support the Special Rapporteur’s International Intelligence Oversight Forum (IIOF) at Lancaster House, London, in October 2019.
IIOF 2019 was an excellent forum that was well attended by over 100 representatives from governments, intelligence agencies, academic institutions and non-governmental organisations. The United Kingdom was pleased that IIOF provided a platform to have an informed and sensible discussion on ways to address security and privacy.
The United Kingdom is pleased that the Special Rapporteur recognises the positive steps the UK has taken to strengthen the safeguards on the right to privacy, and the oversight of investigatory powers more broadly, which he described as “more vigorous, robust and effective” when compared to his previous visits.
A key basis of these safeguards is provided for through the Data Protection Act (2018) and the Investigatory Powers Act (2016). Alongside this legislation, the Human Rights Act (1998) underpins the protections provided to data subjects in the UK.
The United Kingdom welcomes the recognition by the Special Rapporteur that the introduction of the Investigatory Powers Act (2016), has significantly strengthened provisions of intelligence oversight by law.
This legislation introduced unprecedented transparency and world leading privacy, redress, and oversight arrangements. For example:
The legislation makes clear the circumstances in which various investigatory powers may be used and the strict safeguards that apply to prevent abuse.
It requires that the use of investigatory powers must always be justified on the grounds of both necessity and proportionality.
It places the protection of privacy at the heart of the legislation. Public authorities therefore must have regard to whether the same effect could reasonably be achieved by less intrusive means and whether additional safeguards are required due to the sensitivity of the information.
The legislation is supported by statutory codes of practice, providing a transparent and comprehensive explanation of how powers are to be used by public authorities.
It introduced a double-lock mechanism, whereby ministerial decisions to authorise specific use of the most intrusive powers, is also subject to mandatory review and approval by an independent Judicial Commissioner before it can have legal effect.
The United Kingdom is disappointed by the Special Rapporteur’s suggestion that “the system of having politicians involved in signing off on warrants of interception remains inherently open to abuse if a conflict of interest should arise as to whom it is being proposed be put under surveillance.”
All UK Ministers are subject to a strict set of rules and principles which outline the standards of conduct as set out in the Ministerial Code. Ministers are also accountable to UK Parliament as well as to the UK’s regulatory oversight bodies, oversight which the Special Rapporteur has praised and which we don’t see in non-democratic countries. In addition, the vast majority of UK Ministers are directly elected Members of Parliament in addition to their Ministerial duties and have direct accountability to their electorate, with the exception of the limited number serving on the front bench in the Upper House.
The United Kingdom has considered the Special Rapporteur’s comments regarding the use of ‘bulk’ data in the context of maintaining national security.
Bulk powers are not indiscriminate and can only be used where it is necessary and proportionate to do so, as with other powers. Those authorised to use these powers are always required to operate in accordance with strict safeguards and under parliamentary, independent judicial and ministerial oversight.
Given that data is more dispersed, localised and anonymised, bulk powers have proved essential over the last decade and will be increasingly important in the future to identify threats that cannot be identified by other means.
In line with statutory requirements, a report on the operation of the Investigatory Powers Act (2016) will be prepared in 2022. The United Kingdom will give careful consideration to the comments made by the Special Rapporteur in his report during this process.
The United Kingdom wishes to thank the Special Rapporteur for his leadership during his tenure on these important issues that fall within his mandate, and looks forward to working with his successor accordingly.
Thank you, Madame President.
Thank you for that introduction.
It’s great to be on a panel with Nicolas and Luca.
And to have someone as well-versed in European affairs as Professor Zhou to keep us in order today…
In fact I’m sure your wisdom lies behind the makeup of this panel, Professor Zhou.
Because you will have heard my Prime Minister say on many occasions that Britain has left the European Union but it hasn’t left Europe.
That would be impossible. Culturally, geographically and politically.
So I speak today as a proud European.
Representing NATO’s leading European member state: the biggest defence budget of NATO’s European members.
And this year, of course, my country holds the Presidency of the G7.
As Luca’s holds the Presidency of the G20.
And our two countries share a responsibility later this year for bringing the world together to act on climate change at the Glasgow COP.
So I’m looking forward to this discussion and to your questions.
Actually it’s all about the questions… asking the right questions.
Because if you don’t ask the right questions you don’t get meaningful answers.
We’ve been asked to talk about opportunities and challenges.
So I want to explore some of the questions posed by the opportunities and challenges we have.
I’ve been in China now for nearly a year as Ambassador.
I’m lucky to have seen a great deal of this country since my arrival.
And as I travel, I love collecting 成语.
One famous one I was reminded of recently is 塞翁失马焉知非福 (saiwengshima, yanzhifeifu)
Professor Zhou, neither you nor most of this audience will need me to explain the story that lies behind this saying.
But for those who haven’t run across it..
the story begins with a man who has a prize horse that runs away.
His friends try to console him, but he says maybe out of this bad situation will come something good.
And indeed, in time, the horse comes back to him, accompanied by another fine horse from a far off land.
Ambassador Wilson delivered a speech during a panel discussion at the World Peace Forum 2021 in Beijing.
Our hero is wise: out of challenging situations can come opportunities.
So perhaps that’s the first question: how we, the countries, represented on this panel (and I include China in that) create opportunity from the global challenges we face?
Because there is no doubt this is an era of global challenges.
And the most immediate challenge stares us in the face.
The novel format of this conference is a reminder to us all of the shared challenge posed by the pandemic.
And the pandemic speaks to a very basic feature of the world in the 21st century: our interconnectedness.
No country will escape Covid until all countries escape Covid.
For our part, the UK – working with European countries and China – has created one of the workhorse vaccines: AstraZeneca.
Easy to store, quick to distribute and available at cost price.
Over 500 million AstraZeneca vaccines have been administered in 168 countries.
That’s 96% of the doses distributed to developing nations by COVAX, the global alliance that the UK helped establish.
With UK leadership, the G7 is now engaged in the biggest and fastest vaccination programme in history, designed to protect the whole world by the end of next year.
This is just the beginning. Europe and China are going to have to work together.
So that science liberates humankind from this pandemic and wider threats to global health.
That means a Pandemic Treaty to strengthen international cooperation and prevent future pandemics.
That means, all countries who can – and let me be frank, China can – stepping up to ensure vaccines are available to the poorest through COVAX.
That means as governments supporting science with sound frameworks on IP protection and appropriate data rules to facilitate their research.
I’ve seen UK/China science cooperation in action.
It’s impressive. Last month I visited the Oxford University -Suzhou Centre for Advanced Research.
I saw ground-breaking UK and Chinese research on a rapid, portable and cost-effective test kit for COVID-19 that has been deployed in airports across the UK and Hong Kong International Airport.
Don’t we need more, much more, of the same?
The pandemic is the near-term threat.
But one of the risks is it distracts from the urgency of tackling climate change.
The British environmentalist, 95 years young, David Attenborough describes it as the greatest threat we face in thousands of years.
He’s right.
Climate change is a man-made disaster of a global scale, and without action the consequences will be catastrophic.
This year, the World Economic Forum (WEF) placed environmental degradation as the top long-term global risk for the second year in a row.
I have witnessed myself the risks to China’s coastal and river areas from climate change and heard in Wuhan about the massive challenge from flooding. We have a joint responsibility to work together to adapt and improve.
If we do not act now, the science tells us these effects will become more frequent and more brutal. That we will witness a scale of global catastrophe, the likes of which the world has not seen.
Over the last thirty years in the UK we have grown our economy by 78 percent, whilst cutting emissions by 44 percent.
The UK was the first major economy to enshrine in law a commitment to reach net zero carbon emissions by 2050.
Earlier this year, we set the world’s most ambitious climate change target: cutting emissions by 78% from 1990 levels by the year 2035.
Now every country in the G7 has promised to achieve net zero by 2050.
This year the UK and China have a shared opportunity to take decisive action to address the growing climate and biodiversity crises.
UK, Italy and China must support each other through this year’s COP26 and COP15, and push for action in vital areas like power generation, clean transport, and halting deforestation.
And then there is the challenge of global poverty. There is an impressive story to be told of how, in a generation, 100s of millions of Chinese people have lifted themselves out of poverty.
But hundreds of millions in the developing world still live in poverty.
Their plight is exacerbated by COVID.
So it is vital that we achieve the sustainable development goals.
The estimated increase in global poverty in 2020 is devastating, with the total COVID-19-induced new poor in 2020 estimated to be between 119 and 124 million. COVID is disproportionately impacting the world’s most vulnerable, including women and girls.
The UK is the largest donor to the World Bank’s IDA19 round supporting economic development around the world.
Before the pandemic, more than a quarter of a billion children were excluded from education – 95% of them in lower-income countries, and half of them girls: COVID-19 has exacerbated this issue with more than 168 million children seeing the closure of schools for almost an entire year. We are investing more than half a billion dollars in girls’ education worldwide, alongside co-hosting this year’s Global Partnership for Education Summit.
Health, climate and girls education: these were top of the agenda at the G7 summit which Britain recently hosted.
And it’s right that the wealthiest nations take a lead.
But they can’t lead alone. The world’s second largest economy has much to contribute to this agenda.
So yes… challenges can become opportunities when we work together.
As XJP said to the PM last year – “in the face of increasing global challenges we should work together to shoulder more responsibilities.”
But working together requires trust.
And that, I think, is the fourth challenge to highlight.
Let’s be frank.
We live in a competitive world. In some arenas European nations and China must compete.
And we have different political systems.
The right kind of competition is healthy.
It spurs us on to greater achievements.
The innovation of Chinese companies spurs British business to accelerate R&D.
But competition has to be grounded in respect.
I’m sure many in the audience are following keenly the European football championships.
I know fellow Ambassadors are – On Tuesday, the German Ambassador invited me to watch the Germany v England.
We were both cheering loudly for our teams but we did so from a spirit of friendship, mutual respect, and love for the game.
The phrase “mutual respect” comes up a lot in Chinese official discourse about Europe. But what does it mean?
It cannot mean airbrushing out our differences.
I can assure you my German counterpart and I did not agree on who should win the match on Tuesday and were not shy of saying so!
But we had two things: a mutual understanding and a respect for the rules of the game.
The answer to building mutual trust is, I believe, building mutual understanding.
We must avoid 鸡同鸭讲. Literally a chicken speaking as a duck!
Or talking, but without communicating. Part of that is understanding our different points of view.
CCP celebrated its centenary this week.
There is a need for more understanding in Europe of the long history of this fascinating country, especially the past century. 1921 and before it 1911 were foundational times for modern China.
But our continent, our countries too have foundational moments, the implications of which are poorly understood here in China.
Across Europe, the era after World War II was foundational.
Two horrific wars within a generation.
People said never again.
That countries and peoples need to work together, grounded in some basic rights of the individual.
Western European countries were prominent amongst the original signatories of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and followed it up with the European Convention on Human Rights to ensure these rights were respected.
In the UK, we have some foundational moments that go even further back. The Magna Carta of 1215 was a foundational moment for the UK.
It said that kings were not divine, the powerful could not just run roughshod, that rules and law were the basis of society.
Those are strong sentiments in the UK to this day.
Every country likes to boast about its prowess in this that or the other.
One of the UK’s most credible boasts is that we are the best in the world at queueing, at lining up.
Rules are deeply engrained with us.
As is a sense of unfairness when rules are broken.
A desire for respect of the rules of the game is human nature.
We believe that applies as much in the international arena as in everyday life.
In a competitive world, rules and norms are vital.
It’s why the UK champions vital international agreements from the Paris Accord on Climate Change to the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea.
It’s why we stand up for the Sino-British Declaration on Hong Kong; an international treaty between our countries.
It’s why we speak out when we assess fundamental human rights are being violated, as in Xinjiang.
These are foundational matters that are central to us.
And so people shouldn’t misunderstand and think that our references to human rights are some geopolitical game that should be stopped by power politics.
They go much deeper to who we are. I think mutual respect involves recognising that.
But I do not believe these values reflect some unbridgeable gap between us.
It is said that at its most basic level, the idea underpinning early European conceptions of individual rights is the so-called Golden Rule from Jesus’s teachings: “Do to others as you would have them do to you.”
Well, what did Confucius say? 己所不欲，勿施于人 jǐ suǒ bú yù, wù shī yú rén What you do not want done to yourself, do not do to others.
The challenge is not one of values but a lack of trust.
Research conducted by the British Council and Ipsos MORI published this week shows that while two-thirds of young people in China say that they trust the UK people (67%) and the UK government (65%).
Only 31% of young people in the UK say they trust the people of China, and just 16% trust the government of China.
How do we overcome that trust deficit?
Some people say that the answer is not to talk about our differences. To sweep them under the carpet. But I say that cannot work – we ignore the need for respect and understanding.
Some people say that the answer is to step back, to recognise our differences are too big, to decouple. But I say that cannot work – it would be to shirk our responsibilities.
Some people say that a cold war is inevitable or even desirable. But I say that would be a failure of leadership and there’s plenty of leadership to go around.
Because ultimately the question isn’t about opportunity and challenge.
It is about shared responsibilities in a shared world.
Shared responsibility to help the world build back better from this devastating pandemic.
Shared responsibility to avoid the worst impacts of climate change.
Shared responsibility to help the poorest around the world.
How do we do that?
Respect for one another based on understanding through dialogue.
Respect for the rules of the game.
And recognition that our countries will generate global trust by what they contribute to global good.
We will be judged not on words but on actions.
This has to be the foundation for the relationship between China and Europe.
And it has to be the foundation for the global role in the world that all our countries must be ready and able to fulfil.
In that way we can channel the wise old man with the horses.
塞翁失马焉知非福 is sometimes translated in to English as “every cloud has a silver lining.”
There are some dark clouds over our world right now.
Europe and China in recognising our shared responsibilities can find the silver lining.
Thank you for the kind introduction Professor Yan Xuetong.
Delighted to be speaking here today.
Particularly at event hosted by Tsinghua, one of China’s leading universities.
Tsinghua’s partnerships with the UK are really extensive, cooperating on the most pressing global challenges facing us today, such as urbanisation and air pollution, managing demographic changes, and biomedical science.
And a treat to be back in Haidian speaking to Chinese students of international affairs.
As a student at Beijing Normal University (Beishida) in the late 1990s I have fond memories of my time in Haidian studying Chinese and getting to know Chinese student life here.
I remember the friends I made and conversations with other fellow students.
I remember the intellectual curiosity and hunger for interactions with foreigners.
I remember bright ideas about China’s great potential and the paths it could tread in the world.
And as I return as British Ambassador I’m beating a path throughout your vast and alluring country.
I’ve visited eleven provinces and three municipalities in my first nine months.
Every journey a thrill.
Every interaction a delight: from Party Secretaries and titans of industry to ordinary people on the train.
As a diplomat, it is a duty and a pleasure to connect with your host country in its entirety: in its complexity and in its nuance.
Haidian may be full of knowledge and intellect, but staying in Beijing is no substitute for seeing and hearing, and very often eating and drinking, the real China.
Ambassador Wilson delivered a speech during a panel discussion at the World Peace Forum 2021 in Beijing.
In my time here I have also tried to bring some of the UK to China.
Today, as I address a room full of students, scholars and experts on international affairs, it is only right that I seize this opportunity to talk about the UK’s role in the world, and what it means for China.
Britain is known for its literary contributions to the world.
Among them is the writer John Donne, whose writings explored our shared humanity.
In this pandemic his words about one person’s death being everyone’s loss resonate more strongly than ever.
Over four hundred years ago he wrote that “no man is an island”.
And in doing so he captured something that still rings true in British foreign policy today.
Britain is a collection of islands.
But Britain knows it is not entire of itself.
British foreign policy has global concerns.
As a nation that has connections around the world, whose economy is built on trade.
As a nation who has historical links around the world, whose interests and obligations are global.
Britain takes a truly global perspective.
And this year the British government set out its strategy for British foreign policy over the next decade.
The Integrated Review speaks of Britain being a ‘Force for Good’ in the world.
It sets out the Prime Minister’s vision for the UK in 2030 as a more secure, prosperous and resilient United Kingdom.
Under that vision we are working to create new foundations for our prosperity, lead in green technology and step forward as a science and technology superpower.
We are adapting to a more competitive world, seeking to lead in security, diplomacy, development and poverty reduction.
Aiming to solve problems and share burdens, and take a global perspective.
We are chairing the G7 this year, and recently hosted leaders in Cornwall for the annual Summit.
And with thanks to my French and US colleagues here today, we’re helping set the agenda for how the world can Build Back Better after the pandemic.
UK expertise has developed the world’s most widely distributed vaccine, made by Oxford University and AstraZeneca at cost price, and distributes over 500 million doses in 168 countries via COVAX.
And we are leading the push for action on climate change, committing in April this year to the world’s most ambitious climate change target of cutting emissions by 78% from 1990 levels by 2035.
With a doubling of support for international climate finance – reaching £11.6bn by 2025.
And later this year we will host international leaders at COP26.
Our commitment to acting as a ‘Force for Good’ sees us routinely ranking amongst the top five global aid donors – this year spending £10bn on international aid – double China’s average yearly aid spending – and doing so through cooperative multilateral mechanisms, not through bilateral or private agreements.
Our interests are global, and we know we share them with many others.
And the evidence of our ability to work with other nations to achieve them is obvious. It’s more than just words, it is our practice.
So in a sense, discussing how we should reshape relations between major powers misses the point a bit.
Instead of paying lip service to multilateral cooperation and spending our time focusing on how major countries relate to one another, we need to think about the tone and substance of how we can cooperate with all countries.
We need to recognise that these challenges – in health, climate change, and development – affect us all.
And we should understand that the international system, in which China plays a vital role, needs to deliver for people.
Reform to perform.
That there’s no zero-sum in the grand challenges we face today.
No country emerges from the pandemic until every country emerges from the pandemic.
No country thrives despite climate change unless all countries avert its worst impacts.
No country is, in fact, an island entire of itself.
Certainly not that continental-sized country, China, that I’m so proud to have as my home for the next several years.
And solutions to global problems that do not include and involve China are not realistic.
So China’s readiness to cooperate – and its readiness to lead – on transnational challenges will define whether we can successfully overcome them.
So just like the UK, China is faced with decisions about what sort of global power it wants to be.
What does global leadership mean to China?
Some such as Professor Yan (Xuetong) talk about China exercising “benevolent authority” (王道 wang dao) rather than “hegemony” (霸道 ba dao).
I wonder if that quite captures it…
Leadership is not about establishing authority.
Leadership is about effecting change.
And in a world of interdependence, change comes through cooperation.
And cooperation puts a premium on trust and goodwill.
Good leaders lead by listening, and not dismissing genuinely held views and concerns.
By not responding to scrutiny with fragility.
By setting the right tone and injecting the right substance for international engagement.
As President Xi himself recently said China should communicate openly and confidently, with modesty and humility.
China’s economic success is unquestionable.
But economic might does not automatically qualify as global leadership on its own.
And so in the next era, China faces a decision – an opportunity.
As the world looks on for it to set the tone and substance of its global leadership.
Leaning in on climate change would help the world reach an agreement at COP26 that accelerates action to reduce emissions, strengthens adaptation and resilience to climate impacts, scales up support and finance, and protects and restores nature.
Delivering on global health commitments by increasing funding for the COVAX Advanced Market Commitment would support equitable global access and strengthen the global health system, including through a pandemic treaty.
Championing sustainable development by redoubling efforts to work together in the developing world, would build on the successes of the Sustainable Development Goals and tackle the aspects where our record is more mixed.
This year’s World Peace Forum is about international security cooperation after the pandemic, and how we advance multilateralism.
To achieve these lofty goals, and support world peace, we need to engage with the difficult questions too.
The UK wants to shape international rules that serve the common good, as international leaders must do.
Is China prepared to work with others in support of common rules in new frontiers?
For instance by acting as a responsible cyber power – working to shape a positive vision for a free, open, peaceful and secure cyberspace.
To respond to common and urgent international priorities, match the interests of the international community and prioritise the shared interest?
This is the real test for international leadership – whether a leader can listen, share a common vision, and realise change.
On my journeying, I like to learn chengyu.
Each one a window into Chinese civilisation that dates back so many years.
And which has incorporated so much accumulated wisdom.
And are there more apposite chengyu for today’s age than these three?
患难与共 (huannan yugong – come and go together through thick and thin)
A friend in need is a friend indeed.
And good friends are prepared to be frank with each other.
开诚相见 (kaicheng xiangjian – be candid and open with one another)
The task is challenging and will take courage.
But it is our duty.
责无旁贷 (zewu pangdai – to be duty bound)
Whatever our differences: on specific issues or in our very different political systems… countries that have the wherewithal to achieve a global impact must work together to solve the great challenges of our time.
These are the responsibilities that we cannot hand down to the next generation.
Thank you.