Tag Archives: Labour Party

***CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY***

Keir Starmer MP, Labour’s Shadow Brexit Secretary, speaking at Chatham House, said:

In a little over 48 hours’ time, the Prime Minister will inform the European Council that the UK intends to leave the EU.

That will signal the start of the most complex and important set of negotiations undertaken by any British Government since the end of World War II.

Chatham House has seen many debates over the years, but perhaps none as significant for our own country in recent history.

Since June 23 last year, the Prime Minister has made a number of decisions reflecting her interpretation of the referendum vote. 

Some options – like single market membership – have been discounted.

Others – like a Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement or indeed no deal at all – have been talked up.

These are not the only options, yet, instead of welcoming scrutiny and debate, Brexiteer Ministers and their supporters have demanded obedience to their own particular version of Brexit.

Reasonable questions are dismissed as evidence of unreasonable denial.

Challenge is branded as frustrating the will of the people.

But on the eve of the triggering of Article 50, I am here today to say that I, and the Labour Party, will hold the Government to account and provide an alternative vision of our place in Europe.

June 23 last year answered one question but opened up many more – particularly about the UK’s future relationship with Europe.

Indeed the terms of Article 50 itself anticipates both a departure and a future framework.

What that future framework looks like matters profoundly to our prosperity, our security and our influence as a country in the years ahead. 

While Labour did not support leaving the European Union and I campaigned passionately against it, we have accepted that that choice was made and that it will now be delivered.

That is why we voted in Parliament for Article 50 to be triggered.

I believe to have done otherwise would have diverted the debate and let the Government off the hook by allowing it to continually focus on the outcome of the referendum vote rather than the proper interpretation of the mandate. 

The debate this week moves on from the rhetoric of aspiration to the reality of negotiation.

In a previous time, Labour, then in Government, set out five tests around joining the euro that proved a rigorous mechanism to uphold our national interest.

Today I set out the tests against which we shall judge the deal negotiated by the British Government over the next 24 months.

At a moment of this magnitude it is essential that our response reflects core British values which we have long cherished in the Labour Party but which are rooted in the everyday life of communities up and down the country.

Internationalism: reaching out to Europe and the rest of the world rather than turning inwards.

Co-operation; solidarity; and a belief that we achieve more together than we do alone.

An unflinching commitment to protect the fundamentals that make us proud to live in this country – human rights, workplace rights, our environment and the rule of law.

A belief that our economy and broader society should be based on principles of fairness, equality and social justice.

And that prosperity, power and opportunity must be shared in all regions and nations of the country.

As we exit the EU, there is no reason to abandon these core beliefs.

Indeed, these values can be the basis of a progressive and unifying response to Brexit.

One that recognises we are leaving the EU, but not leaving the family of European states; and that both sides of the referendum debate must have a stake in shaping Britain’s future.

These are the values that underpin the six tests I set out today.

We need to make the case for a collaborative and co-operative future relationship with the EU.

Not a member of the EU, but a partnership alongside it.

A partnership based on shared values, common aims and mutual benefit.

A vision based on our core values as a country, a vision to challenge the regressive and isolationist world view that has come into sharp focus in recent months.

That is why my first key test for the final Brexit deal is this:

Does it ensure a strong and collaborative future relationship with the EU?

This matters for the UK and it matters to the EU, who are looking to us as natural allies in light of the changed and volatile nature of global politics.

The rise of right-wing populism across parts of Europe, the resurgence of authoritarianism in Russia and nationalism in the US all threaten core progressive values – human rights, the rule of law, vital social and economic protections, and support for multilateral institutions.

As the European Commission recently warned ‘…the return of isolationism has cast doubts over the future of international trade and multilateralism. Europe’s prosperity and ability to uphold our values on the world stage will continue to depend on its openness and strong links with its partners.’

This is a point that has been underscored in my recent visits to Brussels and in numerous meetings with ambassadors and politicians across Europe.

Now is not the time for Britain to turn away from our closest neighbours and those who share our core values.

Now is the time to recommit to our values of internationalism, cooperation and belief in multinational solutions to complex challenges.

But there is a worrying and increasingly powerful move on the Government benches to sever our links with Europe.

This is the authentic voice of the Brexiteers.

Those who have argued for decades that exiting the EU offers a once in a generation chance for Britain to extricate herself from the entire European social and economic model: employment rights, environmental protections, fair corporate tax rates, investment in public services such as the NHS.

Once a small minority in the Conservative Party, the Brexiteers are now in office and in power.

This ideologically driven approach to Brexit would be disastrous and divisive.

And it would stand as a road block to continued cooperation in the important fields of technology, research, medicine, security, science, arts and culture.

The Prime Minister needs to face down these Brexiteers who would distance us from Europe.

And the clearest way for her to do so would be to agree a strong and collaborative future relationship with the EU not just reflected in comprehensive trading arrangements but also reflected in fields such as science, medicine, education, technology, research, counter-terrorism and so much else.

And on the question of trade, let us be clear.

For all the talk about hypothetical trade deals in new markets, the nature and strength of any future EU-UK trade deal must be the Government’s priority.

44 percent of UK exports go to the EU, making the EU by far the UK’s largest export market.

In contrast, India accounts for 1.7 percent of UK exports, Australia 1.7 percent, Canada 1.2 percent and New Zealand approximately 0.2 percent.

Of course it is important for Britain to be a global trading nation.

But in terms of jobs and the future of our economy, the trade deal that matters most is the deal we reach with the EU.

That is why the Prime Minister’s choice to give up on membership of the Single Market and the Customs Union is a significant risk.

I accept that retaining Single Market membership as a non-EU country is fraught with difficulties and that views in the Labour Party about this differ.

But differences over form should not mask the near universal consensus in the Labour Party that the key attributes of the Single Market must be retained.

These are: continued tariff-free trade for UK businesses with the EU; no additional bureaucratic burdens or divergence from the EU market; continued competitiveness for goods and services; and no drop in existing workplace protections.

From conversations I have had with hundreds of businesses and trade union members in recent months, it is clear there is widespread consensus on this.

Whether these objectives can best be achieved through re-writing the terms of the EEA or via a bespoke trade agreement is frankly secondary to the outcome. What matters is that jobs, the economy and living standards do not suffer as a result of Brexit.

Which brings me to my second key test:

Does it deliver the “exact same benefits” as we currently have as members of the Single Market and Customs Union?

This is of course, the clear commitment that David Davis has given in the House of Commons; to deliver “…a comprehensive free trade agreement and a comprehensive customs agreement that will deliver the exact same benefits as we [currently] have”.

The “exact same benefits” is an exacting standard.

But it is one the Government has made.

And it is one we will hold them to.

Failure to deliver this deal will lie squarely at the Government’s door.

Yet the biggest danger currently facing British businesses, jobs and living standards is the chance of the Prime Minister exiting the EU without a deal.

This is the worst of all possible outcomes.

It is, in the words of the Director General of the CBI, a ‘recipe for chaos’. And as the Mayor of London said: “the Prime Minister’s assertion that ‘no deal is better than a bad deal for Britain’ fundamentally underestimates the colossal damage that….it would have on Britain’s economy.”

That is why the Foreign Secretary was so very misguided when he said it would be “no problem” for the UK to exit without a deal.

It would, as David Davis confirmed just last week, mean tariffs of 30-40 percent on dairy and meat producers, 10 percent tariffs on cars and a loss of passporting rights for financial services.

The Prime Minister should end this unnecessary uncertainty now by committing to establish appropriate transitional arrangements starting on 29 March 2019 and lasting until a full and collaborative EU-UK treaty can be agreed.

Yet the Prime Minister repeatedly ducks this issue.

The most alarming passage in her Lancaster House speech was the pledge to negotiate within two years, not only the Article 50 agreement, but also a new free trade agreement and everything else required to govern future relations on security, research, migration, energy and so on.

The reality is that it will take much longer than that: if all goes well, two years could allow for the completion of the Article 50 deal and a sketch of the future EU-UK relationship with transitional arrangements.

And the right deal is better than a quick deal.

For the right deal, clear priorities matter.

For as many years as I can remember it has always been the case that the Prime Minister – of whatever party – would put national security first, and after that would always be the economy and jobs.

Immigration or wider issues – important though they unquestionably are – would never be given priority over the economy and jobs.

Yet that is precisely what this Prime Minister has done.

As I have argued before, exiting the EU will mean the entire immigration system needs to be reformed. But doing so should not be at the cost of jobs and the economy.

This bring me to my third test for the final Brexit deal:

Does it ensure the fair management of migration in the interests of the economy and communities?

Like the vast majority of the British public, I believe in a sensible, reasonable approach to immigration and our proud record of supporting refugees.

The benefits of immigration are obvious and should be celebrated.

But these are not always distributed evenly across different parts of the country, the economy or society.

That is why I believe in fair and effective management of migration.

As we leave the EU, that core belief remains.

I recognise there must be a new approach to immigration that has the consent of the British people and is managed in their interests.

We need to ensure that the costs and benefits are more fairly distributed, and are seen to be so.

The final Brexit deal must contribute to this.

But Britain cannot succeed in the 21^st century if we are a closed country.

Britain succeeds when it engages with the world, rather than retreating from it.

Any approach that prioritises immigration control above all else must be resisted because it will mean a weaker economy, an impoverished society and a self-defeating isolation mentality.

The first test of this will be the agreement the Prime Minister must reach to protect the rights of EU nationals already in the UK, and UK nationals living in the EU. Those that have made the UK their home are our friends, our neighbours and our colleagues. They do not just ‘contribute’ to our society, they are our society.

The Prime Minister has repeatedly rejected efforts in the House of Commons to guarantee the rights of EU national before negotiations begin – despite the overwhelming case for doing so.

She must now deliver a reciprocal deal on EU and UK citizens at the earliest possible opportunity.

I turn now to my fourth key test for Brexit:

Does it defend rights and protections and prevent a race to the bottom?

One of the main reasons I campaigned to stay in the EU was because of the important impact the EU has had on enshrining common workplace standards and protections.

These include access to paid holiday leave, parental leave, and equal treatment rights for part-time and agency workers.

These rights didn’t come from Europe alone – they were hard fought by trade unions and the labour movement.

But crucially, their application across the whole of the single market means British workers have not been in a race to the bottom with their counterparts in Europe. 

Ensuring strong, fair and robust workplace rights is in Labour’s DNA.

It is in our country’s DNA.

Exiting the EU must not be used as a pretext for rolling back these rights or weakening hard fought protections.

The major battle over EU-derived rights – which are of course far wider that workplace rights and extend to consumer and human rights as well as environmental protections – will take place through the Great Repeal Bill.

This will be a hugely complex task.

As the House of Commons Library conclude, it is likely to be ‘one of the largest legislative projects ever undertaken in the UK’. It is estimated that within just one Government Department – DEFRA – 80 percent of legislation will be affected by withdrawal from the EU.

It is highly likely that there will be attempts to use this Bill as a tool to weaken existing rights.

Already there has been talk of ‘sunset clauses’ being introduced that would mean EU-derived rights could lapse after five years.

Labour will strongly oppose this.

We will emphasise that all consumer rights and environmental protections derived from EU law should be fully protected—without qualifications, limitations or sunset clauses.

My fifth test for the final Brexit deal is:

Does it protect national security and our capacity to tackle cross-border crime?

Having worked with Theresa May when I was DPP and she was Home Secretary, I do not doubt her commitment to ensuring public safety and tackling terrorism.

Her calm, measured and authoritative response to the horrific attack on Westminster last week served to underline this.

She also recognises that the EU has been vital in helping improve cross-border efforts to prevent serious organised crime.

Indeed, Theresa May’s only intervention during the referendum campaign was to say that if the UK was to leave the EU “we would not be as safe as if we Remain”.

And yet, nine months on from the referendum, we have had no clarity on how the Prime Minister now plans to ensure this quite understandable concern is not realised.

For example, will Britain remain a member of Europol and Eurojust – two agencies I have worked closely with in the past and know are absolutely vital to tackling cross-border crime. If we are not to remain members, what alternative arrangements will the Prime Minister seek to put in place to ensure there is no drop in capability?

Will Britain retain the European Arrest Warrant? It was Theresa May herself who said during the campaign that: “outside the EU, we would have no access to the European Arrest Warrant, which has allowed us to extradite more than 5,000 people from Britain to Europe in the last five years, and bring 675 suspected or convicted wanted individuals to Britain to face justice.  It has been used to get terror suspects out of the country and bring terrorists back here to face justice.”

Having worked on many cases where I saw firsthand how important the EAW was, I find it deeply worrying that the Prime Minister is yet to resolve even these most fundamental questions. 

The Government White Paper says simply that:  “…we will look to negotiate the best deal we can with the EU to cooperate in the fight against crime and terrorism”

Frankly, this is nowhere near good enough. We know that crime and terrorism know no borders.

The EU also plays an important role in our wider security.

So, we should set a more exacting standard: does the final Brexit deal ensure there is no diminution in Britain’s national security or ability to tackle cross-border crime?

My sixth and final test for the Brexit deal is:

Does it deliver for all regions and nations of the UK?

The referendum campaign was very divisive. The aftermath saw a shocking rise in hate crime, violence and intolerance.

In my Bloomberg Speech in December I warned that a new fracture was developing in our politics. That the country was more divided than at any time in my life.

Responsibility lies with the Prime Minister to bring the country together, not drive to it further apart.

Yet the Prime Minister has been unable to gain the confidence of the governments of Scotland, Wales or Northern Ireland as she prepares to trigger Article 50.

The Welsh First Minister warned last week that the Prime Minister had a ‘tin ear’ on devolution and that the legitimate and pressing concerns of the Welsh Government were not being listened to.

The Prime Minister’s failure to engage with the Scottish Government or to recognise specific and particular concerns has provided an excuse for the SNP to press ahead with its divisive call for a second referendum and the break-up of Britain.

This is, I fear, becoming the defining characteristic of the way that this Prime Minister is conducting this process.

Guarded, closed, unable to build a consensus or form alliances.

Instead of being open and willing to listen to differing views on incredibly complex issues, she has retreated into Government by mantra.

‘Brexit means Brexit’,

‘No running commentary’,

‘No deal is better than a bad deal’.

Bland phrases designed to shut out dialogue.

The result has been increased dislocation between Westminster and the rest of the country – precisely at a time when we need a new settlement to unite communities across the UK.

That is why the Mayor of London was right in his recent White Paper when he called for a fundamental shift in the Government’s approach to devolution so that: “… as powers and funding are transferred from Brussels, the government’s default position should be a presumption of devolution…unless a compelling case for yet further centralisation in Whitehall can be made”.

This would be a far more progressive, unifying vision of post-Brexit Britain.

I do not underestimate the difficulty of the task the Prime Minister is about to embark on.

On the contrary, I know this is going to be fiendishly difficult.

All of us want the best for Britain.

But the stakes are high and the Prime Minister’s approach so far does not bode well.

Today I have set out the values that should drive Britain’s response to Brexit.

And the tests Labour will set for the final Brexit deal.

These build on the economic red lines set out last year by the Shadow Chancellor.

Failure to meet those tests will affect how Labour votes in the House of Commons.

Let me be clear: Labour will not support a deal that fails to reflect core British values and the six tests I have set out today.

But I do not want to end by returning to a stale debate on process, votes and Parliament.

I want to end by making one final observation:

The referendum vote on June 23 was, in my view, a vote on the state of the nation. And it was years in the making.

Yes, there were concerns about the functioning of the EU, its remoteness and the slow pace of reform.

But there was also a desire felt by people in many parts of the country that politics and the economy no longer worked for them or their communities.

The Brexiteers offered false hope that by voting to leave the EU all that would change.

But the truth is that Brexit cannot tackle stagnant wages, resolve a chronic skills gap, reduce unequal growth across the UK or improve underfunded public services.

Brexit cannot mend public trust in politics or build more cohesive communities.

And it cannot provide a place for Britain in a more complex and chaotic global order.

We need bold, ambitious and future-looking policies capable of meeting the concerns exposed in the vote of 23 June last year.

We need a profound belief that politics should not be about division but about speaking to and for our nation.

Ends

Commenting on Douglas Carswell’s decision to leave UKIP, Labour’s Shadow Minister and Elections Chair, Andrew Gwynne MP, said:

“UKIP are tearing themselves apart. Their ‎only MP has quit, their biggest donor has fled and their leader was utterly rejected by the voters of Stoke-on-Trent a few weeks ago. Under Paul Nuttall UKIP now has no MPs and no future.

“This episode exposes the truth of UKIP: they’ve got nothing to offer the voters and they’re a divided party with extreme policies, such as privatising the NHS.”

***Check against delivery***

Jeremy Corbyn, Leader of the Labour Party, speech to Welsh Labour Conference, Llandudno – Saturday 25 March 2017

Thank you for that welcome. It is a pleasure to be here in North Wales again in Llandudno.

Events in Westminster on Wednesday afternoon showed the brutality that one man can reap.

But it also showed the humanity, the bravery and the solidarity that really defines us and that binds us together in times of darkness and adversity.

The police, the security personnel, the NHS staff; they ran towards danger, put themselves at risk to protect and save lives, they are heroes.

And we particularly pay tribute to Police officer Keith Palmer who lost his life protecting others.

To all those who lost loved ones, who were injured, we send our love.

Our values of unity and solidarity are needed now more than ever. We know from previous occasions that some sick people have tried to sow division and hate.

So please, look after each other, help one another and think of one another.

I want to say thank you to Carwyn and Labour Assembly Members for continuing to show the difference that Labour can make in government.

Special mention too must go too Mark Drakeford, the Chancellor of Wales, who is implementing your programme despite the fact that your budget is being cut year-on-year six per cent in real terms by the end of the decade. That’s equivalent to almost £1.2 billion less for vital public services – a decade of cuts imposed by Tories in Westminster.

Our shadow Wales Secretary Christina Rees is fighting your corner in the House of Commons, working with Gerald Jones, our shadow minister for Wales and I thank them both.

I also want to put on record my thanks to Jo Stevens for the work she did in the brief before that.

Wales has great representation in Westminster. Nia Griffith our shadow defence secretary, who accompanied me recently for the unveiling of the Iraq and Afghanistan Memorial recognising those involved in those conflicts. Whatever our view of those wars, we should always respect those who are sent to fight and risk their lives.

And I also want to pay tribute to that great Welsh Labour campaigner, Carolyn Harris MP, leading an excellent campaign for the Children’s Funeral Fund.

It was frankly a disgrace that in the Budget, the Tories again ignored this simple and humane demand. That parents who suffer the loss of a child don’t have to then worry about the financial costs of giving them a funeral.

I know that Labour councils like Cardiff and Swansea have already waived fees, as has Co-op Funeralcare, but at a time when council budgets are squeezed and billions are being given away in corporate tax cuts we should be able to find just £10 million a year for this basic measure.

I want to praise another of my good Welsh comrades, although he lives in England, Mark Serwotka, for his campaign to change to a system of presumed consent for organ donation. 

In Wales, you have done that and lives are being saved as a result.

I was so proud to speak alongside Mark at the recent NHS demo in London. It was the first speech he had made for several months, his first public engagement since a successful heart transplant. And I’m glad he’s one of half a million people who are now members of our party.

Deemed consent for organ donation is one just one example of the difference a Labour government makes.

As Nye Bevan said, “The NHS will last as long as there are folk left with the faith to fight for it”. And in Wales you have that faith.

The only country in the UK to show an improvement in ambulance response times.

Improving outcomes for stroke and cancer patients.

And the British Heart Foundation says you’re a “world leader” for cardiac rehabilitation.

And, as NHS budgets are cut in England, the Welsh Labour government found an extra £240 million in their last Budget, taking your combined spending on health and social care 6% higher than in England.

And the Welsh Labour government in Cardiff Bay has achieved so much more.

On Social care you have protected funding and seen delayed discharges fall, unlike in England where under the Tories they have risen by over one-third.

And with Flying Start for early years to help children get the best start in life.

And then there’s your childcare offer of 30 hours a week for working parents of 3 and 4 year olds, free breakfasts for primary school children.

500 extra Police Community Support Officers to keep neighbourhoods safe.

Record rates of recycling, the second best of any country in Europe and the third best in the world. Protecting the environment, and preserving resources, for future generations.

And when the Tories abolished the Agricultural Wages Board the Welsh Labour government established the Agricultural Advisory Panel for Wales to protect wages in the farming sector.

On housing, where you are building homes for those affected by the Tories’ cruel bedroom tax, investing over £200 million in a warm homes scheme to insulate thousands of  homes across Wales. And congratulations to Flintshire Labour council building council homes again.

And I also commend your decision to end right-to-buy. When the government in Westminster is only replacing one council home for every six sold off then we know what they’re doing is taking away good housing.

There is so much to be proud of in Labour Wales.

Even constrained by cuts in your block grant what Labour has achieved in Wales stands as a beacon.

A beacon that shines a light on the Tories’ abject failure – socially, economically and morally.

Their never-ending cuts agenda, while giving away £70 billion in the next six years to the rich and big business – that shows their priorities.

Austerity is a political choice, not an economic necessity.

Britain’s infrastructure is second rate and falling even further behind other major economies.

This government has an abysmal record; they have failed to modernise the economy whether it’s in broadband, energy, transport or housing.

And, at the same time, they have not done enough to make finance available to the innovative small business sector.

That’s why Labour is committed to establishing a National Investment Bank with regional investment banks for every region of England.

This year the Welsh Labour government is creating the Development Bank for Wales.

With its purpose to create and safeguard over 5,500 jobs a year by 2022.

Providing more than £1 billion of investment support to Welsh business over that period.

This has not come out of the blue. Labour in Wales has nearly two decades’ experience of working with small business and local councils to develop the role of Finance Wales into the Development Bank for Wales.

And my business team at Westminster will take a keen interest in the launch of the Development Bank for Wales and the work it does to generate growth and jobs.

Last week, the Prime Minister twice accused me of wanting to bankrupt Britain by borrowing money to fund investment.

But as every businessperson knows there is a world of difference between borrowing for capital spending and borrowing to fund the payroll and day-to-day trading or service delivery.

And as any homeowner who has ever had a mortgage knows, taking on huge debt can save you money in the long run.

We should not be afraid of debt or borrowing.

At the end of the Second World War, the Labour government of Clement Attlee didn’t say “oh dear debt is 250 per cent of GDP let’s park those grand ideas about public ownership; a National Health Service, building council homes, or creating the protection of social security”.

No. They built a country to be proud of. They established the institutions that made our country fairer, more equal and stopped people being held back.

But people are being held back today, despite your best efforts here in Wales.

Disposable incomes are the lowest in Britain.

Energy bills are the highest in Britain.

One in four Welsh workers earns less than a living wage.

An estimated 90,000 people on zero hours contracts in Wales.

Those facts are the direct consequence of Tory ideology.

An ideology that believes;

That our national assets should be sold off to the highest bidder

That the only industry that matters is the one in the city of London’s square mile

That trade unions should have the most restrictive laws in Europe

That if you cut taxes on the rich and big business it trickles down to us all

And their latest one; you can cut your way to growth and prosperity.

Well Labour rejects every tenet of that failed Tory ideology.

We need a new political settlement and a new economic settlement.

As we leave the European Union, and the process starts next week, it’s time for Labour to set out our agenda, our vision for Britain

So our agenda is about investment, so that we support industries to succeed and create the high skill, high pay and high productivity jobs that have been destroyed in so many communities.

The Tidal lagoon scheme in Swansea that our shadow Business Secretary Becky Long Bailey visited last week, this is a huge opportunity.

To invest to kick-start a whole new industry that will lead to more investment and jobs elsewhere around the UK.

To create tens of thousands of skilled jobs and quality apprenticeships.

To help keep the lights on in this country and meet our energy needs.

And to help decarbonise our economy, and ensure, as Labour has pledged, that 60 per cent of our energy comes from renewable sources by 2030.

So I say to the Tory ministers in London; stop dithering and act now to invest in all our futures.

We know what happens when the government dithers, we saw it with the steel industry last year.

A foundation industry for our country and one which must be supported by a government procurement strategy too.

Because how can it be that under the Tories, the Ministry of Defence is commissioning Nordic steel for our defence needs while the Scottish SNP government is using Chinese steel for the Forth Bridge.

Changing our economy is also about ownership so that we all share in the rewards.

The privatisation of our utilities and our industries was the biggest ever redistribution of wealth in this country to the very richest few.

It gave the privatised industries the green light to hike prices, cut staff and cream off higher profits at all our expense.

Across much of Europe energy and water are being brought into public ownership, whether nationally, regionally or locally.

And when things are run in public ownership then the profits don’t just go to a few wealthy shareholders, they go to us all.

We have to put back minimum standards too, from the labour market to the housing market, the injustice and insecurity have to stop.

Work must pay a living wage. A home must be the bedrock of security for everyone, whether renting, buying or owning.

Security at home – and security at work – are the foundation stones of the good life.

They will underpin Labour’s promise to the country.

The Tories never have and never will promise that because fundamentally they’re on the side of the rogue landlord and the bad employer.

In Westminster last year the Tories voted down a Labour amendment to the Housing Bill that simply would have required homes for rent to be fit for human habitation.

Where Labour councils bring in landlord licensing, the Tories oppose it.

When Labour brought in the minimum wage, the Tories opposed it.

And they continue to attack trade unions because they know that unity is strength. They know that by acting collectively, workers can stand up to bad bosses.

So very simply here’s three things a Labour government will do:

We’ll build the homes that people need to live, not that investors need to make a profit.

We’ll make the minimum wage a real living wage – at least £10 per hour by 2020.

And we’ll repeal the Tories’ Trade Union Act.

Our vision is all the more important as we head towards the uncertainty of Brexit. Uncertain because of the recklessness of Boris Johnson, David Davis and Liam Fox. And uncertain because of the complacency of Theresa May and Philip Hammond.

Businesses need reassurance on investment, but they also need, as the Welsh Labour government has demanded “full and unfettered access to the single market”.

The Foreign Secretary says it would not be apocalyptic to leave the European Union without a deal. It would be “perfectly OK”, he says.

Tell that to the Ford workers at Bridgend. Tell that to the Steel workers at Port Talbot. Tell that to the Airbus workers in Broughton.

Their jobs depend on our European exports – to our “full and unfettered access to the single market”.

I know that our shadow Brexit Secretary Keir Starmer and our shadow International Trade Secretary, Barry Gardiner will be working alongside Carwyn, Mark and the team to ensure Labour stands up for people’s jobs, the economy and investment.

The Labour Party has been most successful when we have been at our most united.

Whatever our differences we all know that what unites us is so much more and so much stronger.

And we know that our communities need a Labour council, a Labour mayor and a Labour government.

In Wales this May, Labour is defending over 500 seats in 22 unitary authorities.  We lead 12 of those councils -10 outright – and I know Carwyn and all members of the Labour Party in Wales will be united in not only defending those council, but fighting to make gains too, including in Denbighshire.

Whether it’s at the town hall, in Cardiff Bay, or at Westminster- Labour being in power means having someone who is standing up for you.

United we stand, divided we fall.

And united I believe this great party can do great things, together.

Thank you.