• Government to invest £92 million of Brexit readiness money on plans for independent satellite system
• 18-month study will look at the design and development of UK programme
• This will inform the decision to create the system as an alternative to Galileo
• The UK Space Agency will lead the work with full support from the Ministry of Defence

The money has been allocated from the £3 billion Brexit readiness fund announced at last year’s Budget and will be rolled out over the coming months.

Satellite navigation systems like GPS are increasingly important for commercial, military and other critical applications, from guiding aircraft, ships and emergency services to helping millions of people find their way on car journeys. A recent government study estimated that sustained disruption to satellite navigation would cost the UK economy £1 billion per day.

The government has been clear that the UK wants to remain involved in the Galileo programme, and is negotiating with the European Commission to this end.

But without the assurance that UK industry can collaborate on an equal basis now and in the future, and without access to the necessary security-related information to rely on Galileo for military functions such as missile guidance, the UK would be obliged to end its participation in the project.

The UK Space Agency is leading this phase of the work to look at options for a British Global Navigation Satellite System, which would fully meet UK security requirements and support the UK’s sovereign space and cryptography sectors. This significant new investment will develop specific technical proposals with the Ministry of Defence playing a full role in support.

The 18-month engineering, design and development project will deliver a detailed technical assessment and schedule of a UK global positioning system.

This would provide both civilian and encrypted signals and be compatible with the US GPS system.

UK industry has been instrumental in developing Galileo technology and encryption, and this experience will be used in developing the alternative, with a number of multi-million-pound contracts available for British space companies.

Business Secretary Greg Clark said:

“Britain is a world leader in the space industry and satellites. We are investing in an alternative option to Galileo to ensure our future security needs are met using the UK’s world-leading space sector.

“Our position on Galileo has been consistent and clear. We have repeatedly highlighted the specialist expertise we bring to the project and the risks in time delays and cost increases that the European Commission is taking by excluding UK industry.

“Britain has the skills, expertise and commitment to create our own sovereign satellite system and I am determined that we take full advantage of the opportunities this brings, backed by our modern Industrial Strategy.”

Defence Secretary Gavin Williamson said:

“The danger space poses as a new front for warfare is one of my personal priorities, and it is absolutely right that we waste no time in going it alone if we need an independent satellite system to combat those emerging threats. This alternative system and the UK’s very first Defence Space Strategy which I will launch later this year will be a further boost to military skills, our innovative businesses and our genuinely world-leading role which has seen us make such a key contribution to Galileo.”

Dr Graham Turnock, CEO of UK Space Agency said:

“We remain confident in the strength of our space sector and look forward to working in partnership with them on the exciting prospect of a national satellite navigation system.”

Even if the decision was taken not to create a UK independent satellite system and the UK remained a full member of Galileo post-Brexit, this work would support UK jobs and expertise in areas including spacecraft and antenna design, satellite control systems, cryptography and cyber security. It will also support the UK’s growing space sector.

Growing space sector

Britain’s space industry is going from strength to strength. Last week (22 August) the European Space Agency’s (ESA) revolutionary British-built wind measuring spacecraft Aeolus was launched. The spacecraft was built by Airbus Defence and Space in Stevenage and other British businesses provided critical elements to the mission, including a camera, software and propulsion systems.

At the Farnborough International Airshow in July, the government committed £31.5m to support the development of a spaceport in Sutherland in Scotland and commercial operations from the site, which could be the first in Europe and will see rockets lift off from UK soil.

Horizontal launch sites also have significant potential in a future UK spaceflight market, which could attract companies from all over the world to invest in Britain. Sites such as Newquay, Glasgow Prestwick and Snowdonia will be boosted by an additional £2m fund to grow their sub-orbital flight, satellite launch and spaceplane ambitions.

Low cost access to space is important for the UK’s thriving space sector which builds more small satellites than any other country, with Glasgow building more than any other city in Europe.

The UK Space Agency is driving the growth of the space sector as part of the Government’s Industrial Strategy with major initiatives including the £99m National Space Test Facility at Harwell, and the UK continues to be a leading member of ESA, which is independent of the EU.

The plight of the Rohingya community is one of the largest refugee crises in recent history. And it is one of the most pressing humanitarian and human rights crises facing this Council, our Council, today.

A year on the Rohingya population of Rakhine State were subjected to a campaign of the most truly horrific violence, resulting in grave violations of their human rights and indeed expulsion and deportation from their homes. It is this Council which has a duty to ensure they receive justice and the prospect of a peaceful future.

The report issued yesterday by the UN Fact-Finding Mission is the most authoritative account yet of the crimes committed against the Rohingya community. The report details widespread rape and murder committed by the Burmese military; the systematic oppression and persecution they have suffered for many years; and the patterns of violence and violations committed elsewhere in the country.

This Council is charged by the international community with the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. Crimes against humanity such as those detailed in the Fact-Finding Mission’s report threaten international peace and threaten security. Forced deportations across borders, such as the Rohingya suffered into Bangladesh, are unfriendly acts, but also threaten international peace and security. So it is incumbent the Council should consider the report in depth once the Fact-Finding Mission have made their final presentation to the Human Rights Council in September.

But let us be clear, those most affected by this crisis now reside in Bangladesh. As we have already heard, over 700,000 Rohingya refugees, joining more than 300,000 displaced people in previous rounds of violence. Bangladesh, together with the UN and other humanitarian organisations, has indeed saved many thousands of lives. Bangladesh have also, working with the UN and international NGOs have taken significant steps in recent months to mitigate the worst effects of the monsoon season.

As we have already heard, indeed so movingly from Ms Blanchett, the Rohingya need our continued support. Their needs range from food, shelter, clean water to education, livelihoods, and specialised assistance – and we must not forget this -they need specialised support and assistance for those victims of sexual violence.

The UN’s Joint Response Plan remains desperately underfunded and it is imperative that we all step up and play our part.

But the solution to this crisis – let us be clear – lies in Burma. The Rohingya deserve justice. The Fact-Finding Mission has concluded that what happened in Rakhine last year warrants “the investigation and prosecution of senior officials in the Tatmadaw chain of command, so that a competent court can determine their liability for genocide in relation to the situation in Rakhine State.” With so much at stake, it this Council has a duty to ensure there is no impunity for such acts.

As our Prime Minister’s Special Representative on Preventing Sexual Violence in Conflict, let me assure this Council, let me assure Rohingya community: this is a key priority for our Prime Minister, our Government, and for myself.

And the Rohingya must be able to return home to Rakhine safely, voluntarily and importantly, with dignity. That means more than returning to IDP camps on the Burmese side of the border, but real progress towards a more just long-term solution and state of affairs in Rakhine.

As a result of this Council’s concerted action, though we have seen some steps forward.

The Burmese government has engaged with Special Envoy Christine Schraner Burgener whose diplomatic work we support. They have signed an MoU with UNHCR and UNDP. They have established a Commission of Inquiry to look into reports of human rights violations.

These steps are welcome. They have not been easy for the civilian government, whose action remains constrained by the military, but more needs to be done. The steps taken are not enough.

The Burmese authorities need to provide UNHCR and the UNDP unconditional and unqualified access to northern Rakhine. Until these UN agencies can operate effectively, it is impossible to argue that conditions in Rakhine are anywhere near what is required for the safe, voluntary, and dignified repatriation that this Council has called for.

There is an urgent need for domestic acceptance and accountability in Burma. It is essential that the Burmese government sets out how its Commission of Inquiry will be able to investigate these crimes with full impartiality, how it will access UN information, and how it will be linked to a judicial process to hold accountable those responsible and let us be clear– particularly those in the military.

It is far from clear that any mechanism established by the Burmese authorities can do this, which is why the UK supports keeping open the option of justice delivered through international mechanisms.

We need to see practical progress on implementing the Rakhine Advisory Commission’s recommendations. That includes recommendations on economic development, which are part of the solution, but it also includes those related to the rights of the Rohingya, including a pathway to citizenship.

These recommendations taken comprehensively, as they were set out by the revered and respected late Kofi Annan, remain the best blueprint for a long-term solution in Rakhine.

So what does it mean for us? What does it mean for the Security Council? It means, in our view, that the Council should do three things:

Firstly, continue to assist Bangladesh and the UN in providing protection and assistance to the Rohingya population and their host communities.

Second, take concerted action to push for justice and the prospect of a peaceful future that the Rohingya community deserve. This includes holding a serious discussion on the conclusions of the Fact-Finding Mission’s report.

And, thirdly, support those in Burma who are pushing for progress. But we should also be prepared to use the full range of tools at this Council’s disposal to apply pressure against those – including the Burmese military – who obstruct it. The United Kingdom has done this within the European Union where we have sanctioned seven senior Burmese military officials.

But we all accept that this crisis is complex and has deep roots. It will not be solved overnight. But let us also be clear, it will not be solved without continued engagement and action from this Council.

So as we mark one year on from the violence of August 2017, this Council should shoulder its responsibility and do justice to the gravity of the attacks on the Rohingya community.

We should not be just discussing and debating. We need to be acting, acting to bring an end to the appalling ethnic cleansing, to help those suffering refugees, and bring justice for the victims of appalling crimes.

And I appeal to all fellow members, let us put aside our differences. Let us act on the principles of our Charter and on our obligations in front of us. Let us act in the interests of Leila, let us act in the interests of Youssef, let us act in the interests of tens of thousands of Leilas and Youssefs. Let us act for the sake of humanity.

Theresa May will unveil a series of measures to cut illegal and unsafe migration into Europe from West Africa and support victims of modern slavery as she visits Nigeria today (Wednesday 29 August).

• New support will help migrants and modern slavery victims rebuild their lives in Nigeria
• The UK will help Nigeria and Niger prevent trafficking across their border
• The HQ for the UK-funded border task force has been established at Lagos Airport

Nigeria is the fifth-largest country of origin for victims of modern slavery in Britain. Men, women and children are tricked into journeys to Europe that can lead to abuse, trauma, prostitution, forced labour and death.

Theresa May, who since her time as Home Secretary has led the UK government’s response to this issue at home and internationally, will also announce plans to tackle the serious organised crime behind people trafficking and help victims rebuild their lives.

Prime Minister Theresa May said:

Modern Slavery is one of the greatest human rights abuses of our time and the UK is a world leader in making it an international mission to end this heinous crime.

Today we are stepping up our partnership with Nigerian authorities to find traffickers and bring them to justice. And because this is an international problem which needs international response, we are also launching a new project with France to strengthen border cooperation to prevent trafficking along key migration routes towards Libya and Europe.

But as well as targeting the smugglers and traffickers that cruelly exploit people for financial gain, it’s vital that we support the victims who have suffered enormous trauma and are at high risk of being re-trafficked, and that is an important part of the support we are announcing today.

She will make a series of announcements to fight human trafficking and support victims of modern slavery in Nigeria and the region, including:

• Support to help up to 1,700 migrants and modern slavery victims returning to Nigeria from Libya with counselling to deal with the distress of their ordeal and training in business and vocational skills to help them get jobs and reintegrate into their communities. Most of these victims have suffered serious trauma and are at high risk of re-trafficking and psychosocial issues without this crucial UK support, delivered in partnership with the International Organisation of Migration.

• A new project – led by the UK and France – to help the governments of Nigeria and Niger strengthen their border cooperation to prevent trafficking along one of the main migration routes towards Libya and Europe. The project will ensure border posts are better equipped and staffed, enhance training for border officials, and work with NGOs to help victims of trafficking return home.

• The UK-funded headquarters of the Joint Border Task Force has been established at Lagos airport, where UK and Nigerian authorities have been working together to identify traffickers and bring them to justice. This year the Task Force helped secure the first prosecution of a British national for trafficking under the UK Modern Slavery Act, with Josephine Iyamu jailed for 14 years in Birmingham in July.

The UK is determined to lead global efforts to stamp out modern slavery. So far 68 countries – including Nigeria – have endorsed the Call to Action to end forced labour, modern slavery and human trafficking which the Prime Minister launched at the UN in 2017.

Protocol requires me to thank the Russian representative for his statement. I will turn to some of his allegations in a moment. In my Presidential capacity, please may I remind Members of the Council and other speakers of Rule 507 to keep remarks to five minutes.

I will now speak in my national capacity and I will certainly do that.

I want to join the speakers in thanking John Ging, and I want to pay tribute to humanitarian workers as others have done. They work in extraordinarily difficult circumstances.

I also want to reject the allegations we’ve just heard against the Department for Political Affairs. To the best of my knowledge, everybody in the UN is trying to do their best for the people of Syria and they’re trying to do their best for the political process.

I think it’s clear from everything we’ve heard today that the situation especially in Idlib is dire. None of the list of achievements that the Russian representative read out, they are all a chimera, they will not help the people of Idlib. There are 3 million civilians at risk in Idlib, and the Syrian regime is yet escalating its military action against them. I would be grateful to know which forces have been relocated to Idlib and I would like to say that we will hold the commanders responsible for attacks on civilians.

I would also like to echo the words of the United States and France. The United Kingdom also will respond appropriately if the Asad regime repeats its illegal use of chemical weapons that has already had such devastating humanitarian consequences for the Syrian population.

I have three questions relating to the humanitarian situation. They centre around the fact that UN convoys have not had access to 6,000 internally displaced persons in Damascus and Eastern Ghouta for two months; that 1 million people remain in hard to reach areas where only 11% of interagency convoys are able to conduct needs assessment and deliver aid; and that the UN continues not to be given the necessary security assurances so that humanitarian convoys can come through the Ar Ramtha border crossing from Jordan. And that’s in violation as we’ve heard resolution 23 93. I hope the Syrian representative will be able to give us an explanation in his remarks.

The Russian representative referred to refugees going home. I think the ongoing military operations, the lack of humanitarian access, the bombing of schools, the arbitrary arrests, the bombing of hospitals show exactly why the situation is not right for refugees to go home en masse.

You said, Mr Ging, that Idlib represented a scale that we have not yet seen. We’re used to superlatives in Syria. We’re used to them being surpassed. You also mentioned Kofi Annan, and like others, I think the best tribute we can offer Mr Annan is to continue our efforts to accelerate the political process and bring peace to Syria.

I do want to make a point about reconstruction that our Syrian colleague set out and that has been echoed by every EU Member State and by the United States. There will be no reconstruction assistance until there is a credible and ongoing political process. There will not be a Marshall Plan for Syria. There will not be a Brussels Plan for Syria. If there is any plan, it will need to be a Moscow and a Putin plan.

I would now like to turn to some of the statements made by the Russian Ambassador.

The Russian Ministry of Defense today gave a briefing in which it said – and this has been echoed by members of his own Mission – that the United Kingdom and the White Helmets were involved in preparing chemical weapons attacks against the Syrian people. I did not use the word ‘comical’ in my press briefing. What I said was that even by the egregious standards of Russian propaganda, this is an extraordinary allegation. It is wholly untrue and it has been denied by the commander of the British forces in Kuwait who is supporting the coalition. I am happy to repeat that denial now and I am happy to rebut any allegation that the British government or British forces engages with terrorists on the ground in Syria. The only plausible explanation we have for why these stories are being floated at the time other than to increase the amount of fake news in the system is as a smokescreen for a possible impending attack by the Syrian regime once again against its own people in Idlib, and I repeat, the statement that I, the French, and the Americans made earlier about responding appropriately. We have no information about chlorine being delivered and therefore, if the Russian Ministry does have that, the most probable explanation is that it is a preemptive attempt to set the agenda and the narrative for an appalling attack to come. And I would appeal to Russia to use all its persuasive powers to convince the Syrian authorities not to attack their own population and never again to use prohibited chemical weapons.

I would draw the Council’s attention to the fact that we have had a letter from the Syrian authorities about warning of an impending attack, and I would recall for the Council that on 10th of March the Syrian authorities wrote to the Security Council to warn of a chemical attack in Eastern Ghouta, and one month later on the 10th of April this year, such an attack took place and is ascribed to the Syrian authorities. I repeat again our abhorrence of chemical weapons. And I repeat again that the British government will always uphold its commitment to prohibit the use of these weapons and will work with our international partners to ensure that that prohibition is upheld.

I will now make a statement in my national capacity. SRSG, I too would like to thank you and Monseigneur Utembi and Ms Furaha for those really helpful briefings. I think the whole Council has benefited from being able to hear from you and thank you too for all the work that MONUSCO does to try and bring peace and stability to the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

I just wanted to say that I think at this crucial time, it’s important that the Security Council receives information from key players and we are therefore, like others, disappointed that the DRC electoral commission CENI weren’t able to join this briefing.

We very much share the concern about women’s participation that in particular Bolivia and Equatorial Guinea set out so clearly after Ms. Furaha’s briefing. We’ve noted the continuing progress on the electoral calendar and the closure of the application process for presidential candidates and the confirmation that President Kabila will not run for a third term. As others have said, this is a critical step forward and it will help ensure that credible and inclusive elections in December lead to DRC’s first ever democratic and peaceful transition of power. This is an immense prize, but it is still a vulnerable one.

Ambassador Haley set out forcibly how we are still four months from elections and there is a long way to go. This is about more than the timeline; it’s about creating the conditions for free and fair elections. And we join others in calling on the government to implement the Saint Sylvestre Agreement in full, and that includes the confidence-building measures to demonstrate their credibility and potential for government.

We also look to the opposition we engage constructively. The electoral process should be transparent and it should proactively address the concerns of Congolese Civil Society. I’d like to make three points on that:

Firstly, we call on CENI to clarify election protocols to enable effective observation and to address concerns around the electoral register and the voting machines and many representatives they have set out those difficulties in full and we endorse their concerns.

Secondly, we note that CENI has refused MONUSCO logistical assistance to organise the elections, and we therefore urge CENI to clarify its logistical plan, or to accept MONUSCO’s assistance urgently.

And thirdly, a vital element in building trust in the elections is inclusivity. We note with concern the lack of confidence of several opposition parties in the electoral process following the release of the provisional list of presidential candidates. Elections need to be fully inclusive and they need to see the engagement of all the Congolese people.

It is clear DRC faces many challenges and these have had a devastating effect upon the population. A number of speakers today referred to the violations of human rights across the country. The link between political uncertainty and instability and the other drivers of violence which the ongoing Ebola crisis risks exacerbating. And we would share those concerns and hope they can be addressed. I called again for the Saint Sylvestre Agreement to be implemented fully. Delays in elections and lack of public trust only risk further violence. This will have an effect not just on the DRC, but risks de-stabilising a wider region too.